From the Symposium sponsored by the Friends of Clermont,
Bard College/Hudson Valley Studies Program,
and the New York State Office of Parks,
Recreation, & Historic Preservation,
Taconic Region,
June 6-7, 1986
Livingston Symposium: IntroductionBruce E. Naramore
Few American families have stirred as much
controversy and admiration, veneration and even
hatred, as the Livingstons of New York. Frequently
vilified by historians, academic and popular alike,
the Livingstons have also seen their share of
sympathetic biographies and uncritical genealogical
tracts prepared by Livingston descendants. The
reasons for this family’s controversial legacy are
nearly as complex as the L.ivingstons themselves.
Sung Bok Kim explains the academic community’s
traditionally negative view of the Livingstons as a
natural by-product of an anti-landlord bias imposed
by successive generations of historians trained in
Populist, Progressive, and Marxist ideologies. The
size of the Livingstons’ tenant occupied
landholdings were second only to the Van
Rensselaers’ in colonial New York; it is little
wonder, then, that the family would be viewed with
suspicion. Kim further notes that the Livingstons
were among the most literate of the colonial elite.
They have left us--in comparison to their
contemporaries--an enormous body of written
materials. Therefore, relying upon what
documentation is available, historians have
understandably often focused upon the Livingstons
as representatives of a traditionally unpopular
class.
The Livingstons were a prolific clan, and
historians undoubtedly have had ample opportunity
to encounter individuals among the family who were
base, avaricious, deceitful, and vain. It is
equally undeniable, however, that the family has
produced many capable individuals, beginning
(despite his avarice) with the first proprietor of
Livingston Manor, right down to the present
generation.
Regrettably, the champions of the Livingstons
and the way of life they represent have rarely
matched in scholarship the family’s detractors. The
pro-Livingston’’ body of historical scholarship,
with a few notable exceptions, is burdened with
fawning biographies and genealogical works compiled
by Livingston descendants or their class
sympathizers. Much of this work dates from the
later 19th and early 20th centuries, a time in
which--as dare Brandt points out in her recently
published social history of the family--family
members with declining fortunes often found refuge
in the study and writing of the accomplishments of
their more illustrious forebearers.
When a committee composed of members of the
Friends of Clermont, staff at Clermont State
Historic Site, and the Director of the Bard College
Hudson Valley Studies Program first began
discussing the idea of a symposium on Livingston
Manor history in 1983 this traditional polarization
of historical works relating to the family was
foremost in our minds. It appeared that the work of
Dr. Kim (in particular, Landlord and Tenant in
Colonial New York Manorial Society 1664-1775)
offered a starting point. Distilled to its essence,
Dr. Kim’s thesis was that the experiences of the
Livingstons and the other large landholders of
colonial New York had to be viewed within the
context of their time to be properly understood.
Modern morals, mores, and ideals only tend to confuse one attempting to fully appreciate the
society under which colonial America’s
entrepreneurs operated. While Kim’s work has been
viewed by some scholars as an unabashed defense of
the Livingstons and their class, it stands
forcefully as an appeal for historidal objectivity.
With Dr. Kim’s work as a guidepost, the committee
sent out an appeal to scholars working on subjects
relating to Livingston Manor and the Livingstons
for a reexamination of the issues in an unemotional
manner.
A second objective of the symposium organizing
committee was more straightforward: to encourage
scholars to initiate or share new research into
areas of historical inquiry that had previously.
been neglected or treated only superficially.
Because of the sheer size of the prolific
Livingston clan, and their involvement in virtually
all facets of New York society over a period of
three centuries, the possibilities were unlimited.
At this point, it might be worth digressing to
relate, very briefly, the essence of the Livingston
story.
The founder of the Livingston family in
America was Robert Livingston (1654-1728), a
talented and ambitious Scotsman raised in the
Netherlands, where his father, a leader of the
Scottish Kirk, had taken the family into exile
after a clash with England’s King Charles II in
1663. Livingston came to America after his father’s
death. He arrived in Albany at the age of twenty
after a brief stay in the Massachusetts Bay Colony,
determined to make his fortune in the lucrative fur
trade. Albany was a good choice for young
Livingston; fluent in both English and Dutch, and
with a good knowledge of international trade
acquired in Rotterdam, Livingston brought with him
skills that were much prized in the former Dutch
colony of New Netherland. He soon established
himself in the fur trade and ingratiated himself
with both the old Dutch families and their new
English masters. Political appointments followed:
clerk of the Albany General Court, tax collector,
and secretary to the colony’s Board of Indian
Commissioners. He also secured appointment as clerk
to the colony’s greatest private landholding,
Rensselaerswyck.
In 1679 Robert Livingston staged perhaps his
greatest coup when he married the widow of his
former employer on the Patroonship of
Rensselaerswyck, Alida Schuyler Van Rensselaer. His
entry into the aristocracy of colonial New York was
assured, and so was that of his heirs with the
acquisition of the Manor of Livingston, granted by
Royal Governor Thomas Dongan on July 22, 1686.
The Manor of Livingston, 160,000 acres on the
east side of the Hudson River 40 miles below
Albany, established the economic and political base
that served the family’s interests well into the
19th century. Under Robert’s son Philip (second
Lord of Livingston Manor), the agricultural basis
of the manor economy was supplemented by the
establishment of New York’s first iron works. The
second and third generations of Livingstons also
continued to add to their landholdings, acquiring
vast tracts of wheat growing and timber lands in
Dutchess County, in the Catskill Mountains, and in
northern and western New York.
With the onset of the American Revolution, the
Livingston family found itself at a crossroads.
Conventional wisdom might have dictated that this
landed aristocracy, created by the British Crown to
serve England’s imperial interests, might have felt
most comfortable among the ranks of the Loyalists.
Such was not the case. Despite qualms about the
Republican--and democratic--sentiments espoused by
many Patriots, most members of the Livingston clan
cast their fate with an independent United States.
The Livingston family was well represented in the
Continental Congress, in the Provincial Congress,
in the Continental Army and state militia, and,
later, in state and federal government.
The democratic yearnings that propelled many
to embrace the Revolution, and which gradually
became an American ideal, also carried the seeds of
destruction of the world that had nurtured the
Livingston family since the Manor’s creation.
Dissent among the residents of New York’s great
private landholdings--some tenant farmers, others
squatters from New England--had arisen as early as
the 1750s. During the early years of the Revolution
some Livingston Manor residents took up arms in
defense of the Crown, hoping that a grateful King
George would grant them title to their farms after
the Livingstons and their fellow rebels were
defeated. Most Livingston tenants, however, took a
stance of wary neutrality during the Revolution,
unconvinced that either side had their interests at
heart. Anti-landlord agitation erupted again after
the Revolution, now fueled by a seemingly endless
influx of New England farmers, intent on
establishing freeholds, into the State of New York.
In the 1790s, and again in the 1810s, violence
flared up on Livingston Manor, only to settle down
into an uneasy truce as the anti-renters
unsuccessfully pressed their case in court that the
Livingston’s title to their land was faulty. The
lingering bitterness between New York’s great
landholders and those who desired to own their own
small plots of land finally culminated in the
colorful and occasionally violent uprising of Smith
Boughton and his Calico Indians in the 1840s.
It was not the Calico Indians, however, who
brought about the dissolution of Livingston Manor,
but courts of law, the court of public opinion and,
in the final analysis, the Livingstons themselves.
The manor’s political power was eroded with the
adoption of the New York State Constitution in
1777, which deprived the Livingstons of their
guaranteed seat in the Assembly. Robert Livingston
(1708-1790), the third manor proprietor, had
determined as early as 1770 to break the entail on
the manor. Upon his death in 1790 Livingston Manor
was divided between his four younger sons and the
children of his improvident eldest son, Peter R.
Livingston. As the lands were divided by their
heirs, the Livingston’s political and economic
power was further eroded.
Although their love of the land never
diminished, the Livingston heirs’ need to possess
it did. The new American society of the Jacksonian
Era offered opportunities to the more ambitious
among them in New York City or in the developing
western frontier. The more pragmatic of those who
remained behind found their burdens lessened by
bowing to the inevitable and settling for smaller
tracts of land, while they harvested a reasonable
return on the sale of manor lands to their former
tenants. In truth, some members of this prolific
family clung desperately to both their concept of
aristocracy and their landholdings long after it
was practical or fashionable to do so.
Nevertheless, the Livingstons, in comparison to
most of their fellow landed aristocrats, accepted
the new social and economic order with relative
ease.
The papers presented during the June symposium
addressed a wide range of issues that touched the
lives of manor residents between the founding of
Livingston Manor in 1686 and the demise of the
lease tenure system that supported the first five
generations of the Livingston family. The
committee, and those attending the symposium, were
very pleased with the variety and quality of
scholarship found in the work presented. As we had
hoped during the planning stage, old issues and
assumptions were reexamined, and much new ground
was turned. It was also no surprise that, while
objective examination of historical data was
strongly adhered to, interpretation of that data
varied among the symposium speakers.
Many issues, of course, could not be addressed
within the confines of a two day conference. Some
avenues for future research were suggested during
an informal session with several of the academic
historians participating in the symposium; a
transcription of that discussion has been included
in this volume. If this compilation, and the
Livingston Manor Tercentenary activities sponsored
by the Friends of Clermont and Clermont State
Historic Site during 1986, serves to stimulate
further scholarly work along the lines suggested,
the objectives of the symposium organizing
committee can be said to have been fully realized.
A final word needs to be said about the
organizations and individuals who planned and
supported the symposium and this publication.
Funding for the planning of the conference was
provided by the National Endowment for the
Humanities through the Friends of Clermont and from
the Bard Center/Hudson Valley Studies Program. Inkind support for the planning and implementation of
the program was made available by the New York
State Office of Parks, Recreation and Historic
Preservation, Taconic Region. The organizing
committee was most fortunate to receive from the
beginning the full cooperation and expertise of Dr.
Richard Wiles, Director of the Hudson Valley
Studies Program, who served as co-chairman of the
committee. Dr. William P. McDermott provided
additional experience and sound advice on the
planning of the symposium and preparation of this
volume. Other commitee members whose contributions
deserve notice include Clare Brandt, Janet Graham,
Dr. Sung Bok Kim, Andrea Zimmerman, Ruth Piwonka,
and Joan Jones. Finally, the committee is grateful
to Bard College for recognizing the contributions
made by the scholars who participated in the
symposium to the study of regional, state, and
American history by agreeing to publish the papers
presented at the symposium, in their unabridged
form, in this volume.
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