Robert Fulton and The Clermont
by Alice Crary Sutcliffe, The Century Co., New York, 1909
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CHAPTER 2

Robert Fulton in France

In the year 1797, the Earl of Malmesbury went to Lille to propose terms of peace between England and France. During that neutral period, Fulton thought that he saw an opportunity to convey to the world, through the French Directory, his ideas for future tranquillity, which embraced “a Universal betterment of Humanity, through a constructive system of Canals, and a destructive system of Torpedoes.” His great hope for universal peace led him to dream of an ultimate invention which should set at naught the oppression of maritime influences. He planned to make the seas and waters open channels to a friendly intercourse among the nations.

To this end, without abandoning his hope of canal structure for the welfare of inland districts, he conceived a submarine contrivance, which he named a “Torpedo,” that through tremendous explosive force might destroy the armaments of the seas. The French statesman Carnot, an inflexible republican, formerly Minister of War, was then an executive of the Directory, but after the revolution of 18 Fructidor he was obliged to flee to Germany. Fulton had reason to hope that he would be able to influence Carnot, who was already, through correspondence, his personal friend.

For this purpose, and with the hope of perfecting patents in France for his inventions relative to canals, Robert Fulton journeyed from London to Paris. He called immediately on the poet and diplomat Joel Barlow, to whom he presented credentials, and took up his abode in the same hotel where Mr. and Mrs. Barlow were living. Later, when the Barlows opened a home of their own, they invited Fulton to join them. A rare friendship between the two men ensued, and for seven years thereafter, Fulton resided with them.

During Fulton’s sojourn in France, Barlow was not charged with American public duties; but in French politics he identified himself with the Girondist party, and was not without political influence; Robert Fulton shared his enthusiasm and interest.

FULTON'S PANORAMA

Fulton invented the first panorama ever shown in Paris, which was ready to be exhibited about the year 1800. A wealthy American had purchased a large tract of ground in a central position, and had built upon it a row of shops, arranged along two sides of a covered cloister. Upon one section of this property, Fulton suggested the erection of two lofty, circular buildings, and these were constructed for the exhibition of the panorama. The venture attracted great attention and yielded a substantial profit. It was of sufficient importance to suggest the name of the street upon which it was reared, and to this day “Rue des Panorames” serves as a reminder of Fulton’s production.

The subject of the panorama, recently discovered upon record in Paris, was “l’Incendie de Moscow.” The scenes depicted were obviously those of one of the early devastations by fire, of which several are recorded in history, and obviously not that later famous tragedy of 1812. It is interesting to consider that many of the survivors of Napoleon’s army of invasion and retreat may have looked upon the canvases whereon Fulton had portrayed earlier scenes of horror and devastation.

Robert Fulton possessed to a remarkable degree the power of concentrated thought. He studied French, Italian, and German, and acquired a proficiency in the three languages; higher mathematics, physics, chemistry, and perspective also demanded his attention as he progressed in scientific research. It is known that he painted several portraits while in Paris, and one of these, of Joel Barlow, is here reproduced. He mingled with the prominent artists of the day.

But just at that period canal extension was the main topic of his thought. To this end he addressed letters explanatory of his project to men of distinction in America, France, and England. Of these, the letter to Washington offers indisputable proof that Fulton was the first to suggest the Erie Canal. The claim to this priority has been disputed, but the testimony here recorded seems conclusive.

In the Lenox Library may be found the French original of the letter which apparently was addressed to Bonaparte shortly before his departure for Egypt.

FULTON’S TORPEDO

As early as December, 1797, Fulton, aided by Barlow, experimented upon a machine designed to impart motion under water to “carcasses” of gunpowder. An elongated and oval construction was to be forced to a point below water, and, at a calculated time, discharge its fire. The project contained the initial idea of Fulton’s subsequent invention of the torpedo-boat, but at that time the test failed to be satisfactory. The name “torpedo,” chosen by Fulton for his submarine contrivance, has since been given to all similar machines. Sir Thomas Herbert, the English traveler and author, had written:
The Torpedo or Cramp Fish came also to our hands, but we were amazed (not knowing that fish but by its quality) when a sudden trembling seazed on us; a device it has to beget liberty, by evaporating a cold breath to stupefie such as either touch or hold a thing that touches it.
After the first failure, with characteristic hopefulness Fulton began immediately to formulate a variety of new experiments. There is no doubt that at this time he valued the torpedo project with more favor than his already conceived idea of steam navigation.

On August 28,1798, Mr. Joshua Gilpin of London said in a letter to Lord Stanhope:

“I hear from France that Mr. Fulton has not yet gone to America; and probably it may be some time before he gets away, as an embargo rests on our vessels; besides which the Government and he are amusing each other (I think however to little purpose) on his new invention of the submarine boat. I fear this will keep him from more useful pursuits.”
Many of Fulton’s friends were doubtful of the value of his ventures. That the rumor of their disapproval reached him is shown by a passage in a letter dated “Paris, November the 20th, 1798,” to Mr. Gilpin, containing a reference to Mr. Cartwright. Edmund Cartwright, an English clergyman and graduate of Oxford, had in 1785 obtained the first patent for a power-loom for the weaving of cotton cloth. Two years later he invented a wool-carding machine; and, in 1797, a steam-engine in which alcohol was used. It is asserted that he “assisted Robert Fulton in his experiments with steamboats.”

Joel Barlow also mentions him, in a letter to Fulton in 1802, when, after an interview with Mr. Livingston, he says that he has heard unfavorable reports about Cartwright’s engine, and doubts whether it will do for the proposed steamboat. “If you recur to Watts,” he adds, “it is probably best to lay it horizontal, his fears with regard to the strain on the boat from the up-and-down stroke are not without foundation.

The letter to Joshua Gilpin, in the Appendix and never before published, gives additional proof of Robert Fulton’s constancy to his country. Those who have criticized his aim of securing “a lasting peace” by means of a destructive agent, the torpedo-boat, a weapon designed to cause wholesale ruin and devastation, should remember that he was animated by the hope that so powerful an instrument in the hands of a righteous nation would ultimately put an end to all warfare.

Throughout the summer of 1800, Fulton was at Havre, busily engaged upon experimental work with his torpedoes. Mrs. Joel Barlow, on medical advice, had gone there for the invigoration of the sea air and baths. Mr. Barlow’s affairs detained him in Paris, and his letters to his wife, to whom he was devotedly attached, contain interesting references to Fulton’s submarine projects.

Fulton made divers tests with his torpedo-boats against the British frigates which hovered along the coast. The situation was filled with suspense, and the utilization of a new weapon of warfare seemed soon to be realized. But experiments were costly, and Fulton was frequently in need of money for the furtherance of his schemes. From time to time Barlow forwarded drafts, which apparently were the profits from Fulton’s panorama, then on exhibition in Paris. These profits were shared by a Mr. Thayer, who had secured an extension to fifteen years of the original ten years patent, on April 26, 1799, granted to Fulton. Barlow wrote to his wife, on 29th Thermidor, 1800:

Tell Toot he shall have the $1000 in a day or two, but Thayer has not paid according to his promise. The pictures go not well,—50 or 60 livres a day for both,—and at this season! But the excessive heat prevents everybody from stirring out, especially upon the Boulevard, and in the day time.
“Toot” was Barlow’s pet name for Fulton, possibly suggested by the tooting of the steam-engine with which he was already experimenting. A few days later Barlow forwarded $500 through a banking house, and promised more in a day or two. During that summer Fulton spent his efforts in the development and practical demonstration of submarine navigation. His friends, of whom Barlow was chief, were anxious lest he should overtax his strength. The torpedo experiments were attended with danger and under hostile observation. Barlow wrote to his wife 17th Fructidor:
And poor Toot, I suppose, is now gone. I have not believed of late there was much danger in the expedition especially if they don’t go over to the enemy’s coast. I have certainly seen the day when I would have undertaken it without fear or apprehension of extraordinary risk. I can’t say that I am now without uneasiness. I should probably have less if I was in the boat and without bodily pain. But there is really very little to fear. The weather is fine; they are only going along the coast. He is master of all his movements, and it appears to me one of the safest of all hostile enterprises.
Throughout his marneuvers, Fulton recognized the necessity of governmental cooperation. He believed that the project in hand was for the benefit of the nations of the earth, and not for the furtherance individual or even of national aggrandizement. His device for submarine gunnery must, if it should prove practiabIe, be guarded by wise laws for the safety of navies; but first it must be practiced and proved of value in warfare by some one nation. To that end he hoped to find the Government of France willing to give the system a fair trial.

His first appeal to the Directory was encouraged. With the appeal he forwarded a descriptive letter which defined the advantages of his invention. He described it as a weapon capable of freeing the Republic from all oppressors. The Directory gave him reason to hope that his plan would be received with favor, and day by day he awaited their reply. Barlow added his influence to obtain official sanction for an expedition against the enemy’s boats; but there were many rebuffs and few encouragements, although Fulton’s patience was marked and emphasized at every period of his busy life.

A commission had been appointed by the Minister of the Marine during the preceding year (1799), and the reply sent by Fulton, and written in French, is the only Fulton document preserved in the British Museum. It conclusively proves that Fulton had received very definite encouragement from the Government of France, and it emphasizes the inventor’s desire, which dominated his enthusiasm throughout all his experiments, that an eternal peace would result from this warlike contrivance.

Epistolatory skirmishes between the parties to this transaction were almost as numerous as between the two warring nations. All of the correspondence is not now to be had, but the part that has been preserved reveals, for the first time, the actual details of the agreement relative to the Nautilus, the first submarine torpedo-boat. The vessel was built during the latter part of 1800, and throughout the succeeding summer Fulton was at Brest, where the superb harbor, the finest on the coast of France, gave him the right opportunity for experiments.

ATTITUDE OF NAPOLEON

On the 8th Ventôse (February 28, 1801) Fulton received authoritative word from Napoleon, through the Secretary of the Port, to send his torpedo-boat against the English fleet. After considering the matter four days, Fulton accepted the proposition and agreed to the terms of the contract. The following letter, found among Fulton’s family papers, is here published for the first time:
1ST DIVISION
BUREAU OF THE PORT.

Paris, 7th Germinal,
the 9th year of the One
and Indivisible Republic.

The Minister of the Marines and Colonies.

To Monsieur Robert Fulton,
Rue de Vaugirard No. 50, Paris.

I announced to you, Sir, on the 8th of Yentôse, that the First Consul had authorized me to accept your proposition relative to the Nautilus. You will have seen by that letter that you will, as a consequence, be credited with the sum of 10,000 francs to repair this Machine, construct the auxiliaries, and to convey, at your own expense, the Nautilus to Brest.

It has been decreed that you will be allowed for the destruction of the Enemy’s boats, according to their strength, as follows:

400,000 francs for those of more than 80 cannon.

200,000 francs for those of more than 20 cannon up to 30 cannon.

150,000 francs for those of from 12 to 20 cannon. 60,000 francs for those of 10 cannon.

This force is the minimum, below which you will have no power to return claim.

By your letter of the 12th Ventôse, you declare your acceptance of these conditions, and I give the order to put to your account the sum of 10,000 francs, by means of which you must put in order the armor, the equipment and the expedition of the Nautilus.

There exist several means of determining in an authentic manner the destruction of the enemy’s boats. The attestations, the declarations, and the interrogations put in legal form by competent authorities, will serve you as title to reclaim the payment of the sums which may ultimately be due you.

The navigation which you are about to undertake being absolutely different from others, also the style of war which the Nautilus is destined to make upon the enemy, it is not possible to indicate in advance a fixed method of affirming the truth of the facts. But it will be supplied by the information of the Commissary of the Government of England, and to the Maritime Prefects, every time it becomes necessary.

(Signed) FORFAIT

The inventor’s continued appeal to Napoleon led to the appointment of a commission to examine the plans for submarine navigation, and to provide funds for the furtherance of the work of necessary construction. Napoleon desired, at the conclusion of the experiments, personally to view the plunging boat; but arrangements at the time being incomplete, a view of the apparatus was not granted. Fulton explains the reason for his refusal to grant an exhibition of his drawings to a committee of engineers, in a letter printed below.

The Citizens Monge, La Place, and Volney were prominent members of the National Institute, for Napoleon had taken care to select the three men whose judgment could best be relied on. Gaspard Monge, mathematician, had served as Minister of the Marine during two years, and later founded the Polytechnic School of Paris. Pierre-Simon de La Place, astronomer, had held the position of professor of mathematics in the École Militaire, and was later vice-president of the senate. And Count Volney, a famous French scholar and author, whose travels had brought him to America, was a member of the constituent assembly. It was these three men who held the power of judgment over the newly devised weapon.

Among Fulton’s papers were found two letters addressed to this commission. Both are of unique interest, the first because it shows Fulton’s personal reasons for guarding his invention with all care, the second because of its detailed recital of his various experiments, with dates and subsequent consequences.

Paris, the 3d Complimentary Day,
An 9.

Robert Fulton to the Citizens Monge, La Place, and Volney, Members of the National Institute and Commissionaries appointed by the First Consul to promote the Invention of Submarine Navigation.

CITIZENS: This morning I received yours of the 2nd Compl. As to the expense of a plunging Boat, I believe when constructed in the best manner with every improvement which experience has pointed out, She cannot cost more than 80,000 Livers. The Bombs Submarine may be estimated at 80 Livers each, on an average independent of the powder.

I am sorry that I had not earlier information of the [first] Counsul’s desire to see the Plunging Boat. When I finished my experiments, She leaked very much and being but an imperfect engine, I did not think her further useful,—hence I took Her to pieces, Sold Her Iron work lead and cylinders and was necessitated to break the greater part of her movements in taking them to pieces. So that nothing now remains which can give an Idea of her combination; but even had She been complete I do not think She could have been brought round to Paris.

You will be so good as to excuse me to the Premier Consul, when I refuse to exhibit my drawings to a Committee of Engineers. For this l have two reasons; the first is not to put it in the power of anyone to explain the principles or movements lest they should pass from one to another till the enemy obtained information: the Second is that I consider this Invention as my private property, the perfectionment of which will give to France incalculable advantages over her most powerful and active enemy; and which Invention, I conceive, ought to secure to me an ample Independence. That consequently the Government should stipulate certain terms with me Before I proceed to further explanation.

The First Consul is too just, and you know me too well, to construe this into an avaricious disposition in me. I have now laboured 3 years and at considerable expense to prove my experiments. And I find that a man who wishes to Cultivate the useful Arts, cannot make rapid Progress without sufficient funds to put his succession of Ideas to immediate proof; and which sufficiency I conceive this invention should secure to me. You have intimated that the movements and combination of so interesting an engine should be confided to trusty persons, lest any accident should happen to me. This precaution I took previous to my departure from Paris for my last experiments, by placing correct Drawings of the Machine and every Movement with their descriptions, in the hands of a friend; so that any engineer capable of constructing a Steam engine, could make the plunging Boat and Carcasses or Bombs.

You will therefore be so good as to beg of the First Consul to permit you to treat with me on the business. And on this point I hope there will not be much difficulty. Health and sincere respect,

ROBERT FULTON.

PARIS, the 22d Fructidore, An 9.

Robert Fulton to the Citizens Monge, La Place, and Volney, Members of the National Institute, and Commissioners appointed by the first Consul to promote the invention of Submarine Navigation.

CITIZENS: Yesterday on my return from Brest I received your note and will with pleasure communicate to you the result of my experiments, during the summer, also the mode which I conceive the most effectual for using my invention against the enemy. Before I left Paris I informed you that my plunging boat had many imperfections, natural to the first machine of so difficult a combination added to this I found she had been much Injured by the rust during the winter in consequence of having in many places used Iron bolts and arbours instead of copper or brass. The reparation of these defects and the difficulty of finding workmen consumed near two months, and although the machine remained still extremely imperfect, yet She has answered to prove every necessary experiment in the most satisfactory manner.

On the 3rd of thermidor I commenced my experiments by plunging to the depth of 5 then 10 then 15 and so on, to 25 feet, but not to a greater depth than 25 feet as I did not conceive the Machine sufficiently strong to bear the pressure of a greater column of water. At this depth I remained one hour with my three companions and two candles burning without experiencing the least inconvenience.

Previous to my leaving Paris I gave to the Citizen Queyton, Member of the Institute, a calculation on the number of cube feet in my boat which is about 212. In such a volume of air he calculated there would be sufficient Oxygen to nourish 4 men and two small candles 3 hours. Seeing that it would be of great improvement to dispense with the candles, I constructed a small window in the upper part of the boat near the bow, which window is only one inch and a half diameter, and of glass nine lines thick. With this prepared, I descended on the 5th of Thermidor, to the depth of between 24 and 25 feet at which depth I had sufficient light to count the minutes on the watch. Hence I conclude that 3 or 4 such windows arranged in different parts of the boat, would give sufficient light for any operation during the day. Each window may be guarded by a valve in such a manner that should the glass break, the valve would immediately shut and stop out the water.

Finding that I had air and light sufficient, and that I could plunge and Rise perpendicular with facility, on the 7th Ther. I commenced the experiments on her movements. At ten in the morning I raised her anchor and hoisted her sails, which are a main sail and Gib, the breeze being light I could not at the utmost make more than about two-thirds of a league per hour. I tacked and re-tacked, tryed her before and by the wind, and in all these operations found her to Answer the helm and act like a common dull sailing boat.

After exercising thus about an hour, I lowered the mast and Sails and commenced the operation of Plunging. This required about two Minutes. I then placed two men at the engine which gives the Rectilinear motion, and one at the helm, while I governed the machine which keeps her balanced two waters. With the bathometer before me and with one hand, I found I could keep her at any depth I thought proper. The men then commenced their movement and continued about 7 minutes when, mounting to the surface, I found we had gained 400 metres. I again plunged, turned her round under water and returned to near the same Place. I again plunged and tried her movements to the right and left, in all of which the helm answered and the compass acted the same as if on the surface of the water.

Having continued these experiments the 8, 9, 10 and 12th, until I became familiar with the movements and confident in their operation, I turned my thoughts to increasing or preserving the Air. For this purpose the Cn. Queyton advised to precipitate the carbonic acid with lime, or to take with me bottles of Oxygen which might be uncorked as need required: but as any considerable quantity of bottles would take up too much room, and as Oxygen could not be created at sea without a chemical operation which would be very inconvenient, I adopted a mode which occurred to me 18 months ago, which is a simple globe or bomb of copper capable of containing one cube foot to [the paper is here torn] a pneumatic pump by means of which pump 200 atmospheres or 200 cube feet of common air may be forced into the Bomb, consequently the Bomb or reservoir will contain as much oxygen or vital air as 200 cube feet of common respirable Air. Hence if according to the Cn. Queyton’s calculation 212 feet which is the volume of the boat, will nourish 4 men and two small candles 3 hours, this additional reservoir will give sufficient for 6 hours. This reservoir is constructed with a measure and two cocks So as to let measures of Air into the Boat as need may require.

Previous to my leaving Paris I gave orders for this machine but it did not arrive till the 18th of Thermidor. On the 19th I ordered 2 men to fill it, which was an operation of about one hour. I then put It into the boat, and with my three companions, but without candles, plunged to the depth of about five feet. At the expiration of one hour and 40 minutes I began to let off measures of air from the reservoir and so on from time to time for 4 hours 20 minutes, without experiencing any inconvenience. Having thus succeeded

  • To sail like a common boat.
  • To obtain air and light.
  • To plunge and Rise perpendicular.
  • To turn to the right and left at pleasure.
  • To steer by the compass under water.
  • To renew the Common volurne of air with facility.
  • And to augment the respirable air by a reservoir which may be obtained at all times.
  • I conceived every experiment of importance to be proved in the most satisfactory manner.
Hence I quit the experiments on the Boat to try those of the Bomb Submarine. It is this Bomb which is the Engine of destruction, the plunging boat is only for the purpose of conveying the Bomb to where it may be used to advantage. They are constructed of Copper and of different sizes to contain from 10 to 200 pounds of powder. Each bomb is arranged with a Gun lock in such a manner that if it strikes a vessel or the Vessel runs against it, the explosion will take place and the bottom of the vessel be blown in or so shattered as to ensure her destruction.

To prove this experiment, the Prefect Maritime and Admiral Villaret ordered a small Sloop of about 40 feet long to be anchored in the Road, on the 23rd of Thermidor. With a bomb containing about 20 pounds of powder I advanced to within about 200 Metres, then taking my direction so as to pass near the Sloop, I struck her with the bomb in my passage. The explosion took place and the sloop was torn into atoms, in fact, nothing was left but the buye [buoy] and cable. And the concussion was so great that a column of Water, Smoke and fibres of the Sloop were cast from 80 to 100 feet in Air. This simple Experiment at once proved the effect of the Bomb Submarine to the satisfaction of all the Spectators. Of this Experiment you will see Admiral Villaret’s description in a letter to the Minister of Marine.

ROBERT FULTON.

The demonstration of the destruction of the sloop during the month of August, 1801, was attested by numerous spectators, and public approval was not lacking. The invention seemed of noteworthy importance to the officials and marine commissioners. It was considered a success, and established without doubt in the minds of the multitude of spectators the facts which Fulton had essayed to prove. Nevertheless, as time went on, the officials of France withheld from Fulton a full knowledge of their satisfaction: perhaps they did not feel well disposed toward the adoption of such destructive weapons; possibly it was difficult to convince the sailors, who would have to man the new boats, that the project was one which justified the apparent danger.

Mr. C. Harrison Suplee, Editor of “Cassier’s Magazine,” in a recent article suggests that it was upon a final requirement that Fulton included in his terms,—although it is not here noted in Forfait’s reply, — that he and his men be officially recognized, and might receive protection which would be accorded to Frenchmen, should they chance, in the fulfillment of their warring enterprises, to fall into the hands of the enemy. Fulton spent an unsuccessful summer in reconnoitering the coast, and apparently received no pecuniary reward for his dangerous labor, as he failed to overtake an English ship.

Fulton continued his experiments with boats, upon and beneath the water, during the remainder of his stay in France. He openly demonstrated the principles of his inventions, and vainly offered them to the French Government. If Napoleon had been favorable to them, the history of Europe might have been changed. But Napoleon’s scientific counselors had pronounced Fulton “a visionary” and his invention “a mad scheme” and “simple absurdity.

ALARM OF THE BRITISH MINISTRY

English statesmen were not unacquainted with the development of Fulton’s plans, and Lord Stanhope delivered to the House of Lords a message of warning. Barlow wrote to Fulton to acquaint him of the discussion, which terminated in September, 1803, in an invitation from the British Government to the inventor to display his torpedo contrivance. His note book contains this entry:
I agreed on certain conditions and Mr. Smith set off for London to give in my terms. I then met him in Amsterdam in December with the reply, which not being satisfactory, he returned to London with other proposals and I went on to Paris.
Fulton wrote a careful explanation of his negotiations with the British Government— a folio of many pages. which is now in possession of his heirs. He entitled it “Submarine Navigation & Attack” and outlined its purpose as follows:
“Reasons why I directed my attention to such inventions.
“Negotiations with the British Government on this subject.
“Description of the Engines & several modes of using them.
“Reasoning on the consequences of such Inventions.”
Like all of Fulton’s writings it is minute in detail, logical in construction and of convincing argument. He stated that his reason for the invention was “the possibility of destroying all military Marines and of giving liberty to the seas.” He showed that Henry IV of France and the Abbé St. Pierre, with all their industry and influence, had endeavored in vain to form a congress which might decide on grievances. Therefore he sought for efficient means in the arts, where, after two years of study and experiment, he became convinced of the utility of his torpedo project to accomplish the end of all warfare.

He outlined the plan to Lord Stanhope, who sounded the alarm in the House of Lords. In 1803 the Earl formed a committee to learn of Fulton’s progress in the invention, which reported to Lord Sidmouth, then Premier of Parliament. The latter despatched a messenger to Fulton, who was then in France, to invite him to return to England to communicate his torpedo plans to the British Government.

Fulton framed proposals, and upon their ultimate acceptance was induced to leave France. This he did on April 29, 1804, and reached London on the 19th of May. Lord Sidmouth had retired from office and Mr. Pitt was in power. When he viewed Fulton’s sketch of an engine of simple construction, easy application and powerful effect, the Prime Minister observed that if introduced into practice it would lead to the annihilation of all military marines.

It was agreed that His Majesty’s Dock Yard and Arsenals were to furnish necessary means to give efficacy to Fulton’s plans, and a contract signed by Mr. Pitt and Lord Melville was drawn between the inventor and the British Government.

By the terms of this bond, Fulton was to receive as an equivalent for his proposed mode of Submarine warfare a salary of two hundred pounds a month and one half the value of all vessels which might be destroyed by the new engine within fourteen years, the duration of the patent. It was further agreed that in case the Ministers decided not to prosecute the plans, yet it should appear that by means of them the enemy’s ships might be destroyed with greater ease than by any other mode of practice, the inventor should receive £40,000.

Under these conditions Fulton entered upon the work which detained him in England for two years of test, explanation, and entreaty. Lord Melville retired from office, and the death of Pitt and subsequent change of the Ministry gradually extinguished Fulton’s hope of success. Finally in the autumn of 1806 the Government declined to adopt the invention, but fearing its power if turned against England, made overtures to Fulton to suppress the new mode of warfare. These offers Fulton summarily declined: and concluded his reply with these words:

“At all events, whatever may be your reward, I will never consent to let these inventions lie dormant should my Country at any time have need of them. Were you to grant me an annuity of £20,000 a year, I would sacrifice all to the safety & independence of my Country. But I hope that England and America will understand their mutual Interest too well to War with each other And I have no desire to Introduce my Engines into practice for the benefit of any other Nation.”
In the following words, he reminded the British Ministry of his intent to return to America:
“As I am bound in honor to Mr. Livingston to put my steamboat in practice and such engine is of more immediate use to my Country than Submarine Navigation, I wish to devote some years to it and should the British Government allow me an annuity I should not only do justice to my friends but it would enable me to carry my steamboat and other plans into effect for the good of my Country.—It has never been my intention to hide these Inventions from the world on any consideration, on the contrary it has been my intention to make them public as soon as consistent with strict justice to all with whom I am concerned. For myself I have ever considered the interest of America [n] free commerce, the interest of mankind, the magnitude of the object in view and the rational reputation connected with it superior to all calculations of a pecuniary kind.”
The terms of settlement, which were agreed by arbitration, are defined in Fulton’s letter to Joel Barlow quoted later. He joyously accepted the release whereby he could take up the “several projects of sublimity” in his own country, and returned to his native land, from which he had been absent for twenty years.

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