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Appendix 2
Analysis of Historical Problems
The 1614 Esopus Fort: Origins and
Historiography of a Myth
In Chapter 1, the question of a 1614 Esopus redoubt was discussed,
and the possibility of its existence discounted. The following discussion traces the origin and development of the belief in this mythical
fort.
In his History of the State of New-York, Joseph Moulton wrote:
It has been asserted that about this period [1617] some Hollanders
settled among the Esopus Indians, . . . [others settling at various
other places in New Netherland in 1618 and 1620]. It is nevertheless extremely problematical, whether . . . [by 1620] any Dutch
family was settled in the country which Hudson discovered.
. . Agents of the company may have resided at the abovementioned places to promote trade, cultivate harmony, and learn
the language of the Indians. But the foundation of a permanent
colony had not been comprehended among the ambitious plans
of the Hollanders.
Moulton thus accepted in a general way the possibility of an early
post of some sort at Esopus housing agents of the United New Netherland Company, but this acceptance represents merely a passing
reference to, and open mind concerning, assertions contained in
some unnamed and possibly oral source.
In the History of New Netherland, Edmund B. O’Callaghan sought
to substantiate Moulton’s vague allusion by citing a February 9, 1665
reference to what seemed to be an early fort at Esopus: The English
seizure of New Netherland in 1664 prompted the assertion by the
deputies of the States General (as part of lengthy observations on the
lately received letter of Sir George Downing, ambassador from Great
Britain) that the possession of the province by the Netherlands
exceeds forty and fifty years, which is the longest time that a title
by possession can be acquired; for, it is over forty that we are in
possession of the town of New Amsterdam with its forts, and
more than fifty years since we are in possession of Forts Orange
and Esopus the one and the other with the lands and countries
depending thereon.
The circumstances surrounding this appeal by the deputies suggest that the latter may well have been inclined to overemphasize and
exaggerate the age and extent of Dutch commercial activity and
settlement in New Netherland. Therefore even an explicit statement
on their part would have to be treated very cautiously in the absence
of any confirmatory evidence of an impartial nature. Furthermore,
it cannot even be shown that the deputies were pretending to claim
that a fort had existed at Esopus for over fifty years. As one local
historian, Benjamin Brink, pointed out, the authors of the paper
were more likely claiming simply that the Netherlands had been fifty
years in possession of, and commercially active in, the region and
territory where Forts Orange and Esopus were now, at the time
when the paper was written (1665). Fort Orange had obviously not
been held for "more than fifty years," for it had existed only since
1624. A fort was built near the mouth of the Rondout Creek in 1660,
eight years after Thomas Chambers became the first white man to
purchase land from the Indians of Esopus. This is the fort or "redoubt" that gave its name to the creek. It is the earliest fort at that
locality of which there is any reliable record, except of course for the
fort or stockade built in 1658 to enclose the Esopus settlement itself,
to which stockade the States General deputies may well have been
referring.
The previously quoted assertion of the deputies is the ultimate
source for all responsible discussions aimed at demonstrating that a
fort may have been built at Esopus about 1614. Brodhead, a more
critical and analytical historian than O’Callaghan, did not think the
1665 paper of the States General to be very good evidence, in light of
other evidence tending to disprove the claim. Yet, the claim was
restated by State Secretary Joseph B. Carr, in 1881. Jonathan W.
Hasbrouck and Nathaniel B. Sylvester gave uncritical support to the
States General deputies’ observations, and Kingston historian
Marius Schoonmaker followed suit. As will be seen later, some authors have felt inclined to elaborate, giving details concerning the
supposed fort and its occupants. Such statements are invariably unsupported and are based on too literal an acceptance of the 1665
statement, and on oral statements or original conjecture.
Weighted against the brief and questionable assertion contained
in the deputies’ observations is the imposing silence of all the remainder of the records concerning New Netherland. Nowhere else in any
of the Dutch records is there allusion to an Esopus fort, trading post,
or settlement antedating the Chambers deed of 1652.
The records that relate to the earliest period of New Netherland
history include the Historiscb Verbael, a semiannual news register
published in Amsterdam by Nicolaes van Wassenaer during the early
seventeenth century. In this work the erection and abandonment of
Fort Nassau (1614, 1617) at present-day Albany is related, but nothing
is said of any fort or trading post at Esopus. The only mention of
Esopus by van Wassenaer is in a description of the Indians of New
Netherland, the author stating that "near one place, Esopes, are two
or three tribes." 0 Van Wassenaer also gave considerable attention to
events in and descriptions of New Netherland during the period
1624-30. The forts and settlements on Manhattan, at Fort Orange, and
on the South (Delaware) River were described and their stories told.
Nothing was said about Esopus.
In de Laet’s New World (published 1625), Fort Nassau is once
more mentioned. Nothing is said of any Esopus fort. Again, the
building of Fort Nassau is referred to in historical summaries contained in letters of Peter Stuyvesant to the general court of Massachusetts (April 20, 1660)2 and to Richard Nicolls (September 2, 1664). No
early fort at Esopus is mentioned. The absence of any fort or settlement there is further confirmed by the existence of many records
bearing mid-seventeenth-century dates and describing the past activities of the Dutch West India Company in New Netherland. Nowhere is any mention made of trading being done at any redoubt or
trading post at Esopus. A letter of the Dutch West India Company
to the States General, dated October 25, 1634, speaks of the erection
of "one or more little forts" in New Netherland "even
before the year 1614," but this statement is so vague and uncertain
that no case can be made from it. The company was not founded until
1621 and was not active in New Netherland till 1623-24. It cannot be
regarded as an authority on New Netherland history of the 1614
period.
The esoepes or grooete eesoepes is briefly mentioned in the log entries of the ship Rensselaerswyck for March 31 and June 4, 1637. But
there is nothing in the references to indicate that the name at those
dates designated anything more than a geographical location.
In his History of Ulster County, New York, Nathaniel B. Sylvester
quoted the unpublished notes of Jonathan W. Hasbrouck (deceased)
as follows: "‘In July, 1637, one Jacobsen, of Rensselaerwyck, hid at
Esopus to avoid a fine of twenty beavers.'" Because the statement
deals with a period antedating the 1652 land purchase of Thomas
Chambers, it deserves attention. The fact is that Hasbrouck was off
by twenty years, for a check of the Fort Orange court records of July,
1657 shows that "Harmen Jacobsen Bambus, who owes... 20 beavers
and fl. 150, ... absents himself from here and keeps himself in hiding
in the Esopus." It is apparent from an examination of Hasbrouck’s
version in context that the error was not merely a typographical one
of Sylvester or of the latter’s printer.
The first historian to attempt a thorough examination of the
problem was Benjamin Brink. Brink had "for some years searched for
any record to show whatever truth was in the claim. He had the
assistance of those who had the records of the State of New York in
charge, of those who in other years translated them, of historical
societies and of others." His conclusion was that "nothing in the way
of proof of a permanent resident, or of a post for defense or trade has
yet appeared to show any date for beginning our history before the
coming of Thomas Chambers in 1652.
Brink’s only shortcoming in this matter was that his discussion
of the problem did not go nearly deep enough. His presentation was
largely limited to an examination of the mid-seventeenth-century
records (readily available in the first two volumes of Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York) descriptive of the
past activities of the Dutch West India Company in New Netherland. It could easily be argued that, since the Esopus fort was supposedly built in 1614 by the United New Netherland Company, such
records were largely irrelevant. Brink’s mention of the figurative
maps was extremely brief. He noted van Wassenaer’s reference to
Esopus but ignored his references to Fort Nassau and said nothing
of the writings of de Laet and de Vries. He of course could know
nothing of the important 1630 map of Minuit. His discussion of Catelyn Trico’s depositions was limited and somewhat strained, and he
was not familiar with those references to Fort Nassau contained in
the letters of Peter Stuyvesant, cited earlier.
Brink’s examination was nevertheless an important eye-opener.
It might long since have resulted in a thorough investigation, but such
was not the case: Mary I. Forsyth, in The Beginnings of New York: Old
Kingston, the First State Capital and Francis J. Higginson, in "A Short
Account of the Early History of Kingston, Ulster Co., N.Y.," repeated the claim without attempt at analysis, and furthermore supposed a 1610 fort of the East India Company to have antedated the one
claimed for the United New Netherland Company. Judge Alphonso
T. Clearwater, in Kingston:A Tribute, did likewise.
In A History of Ulster County Under the Dominion of the Dutch,
Augustus Van Buren seems to have rejected the 1614 fort claim, but
only inferentially. Without mentioning the paper of the States General, the statements by O’Callaghan, Sylvester, and others, or even
the existence of the claim or theory regarding a supposed 1614 fort,
Van Buren merely cited evidence leading to the conclusion that the
first settlement at Esopus was made by Thomas Chambers about 1652-53. His presentation was in a few respects more complete than
Brink’s, in other respects considerably less complete. His approach to the question was indirect and lacked candid discussion.
The next book to treat the subject was Southeastern New York, a
three-volume work dedicating considerable attention to the history
of Ulster County. The 1614 Esopus fort claim was uncritically repeated. Finally, Andrew S. Hickey’s book, The Story of Kingston,
accommodated the early fort enthusiasts to an unprecedented degree
with considerable descriptive information, all undocumented.
Aside from the question of a 1614 Esopus fort, the general topic of
pre-settlement Esopus has never received the attention it deserves from
local historians. Ruttenber’s evaluations of the paper figurative map
and of de Laet’s description have been repeated, but never before have
they been critically discussed, much less challenged. Yet Ruttenber’s
own discussion was very brief. His location of Esopus on the figurative
map was highly imprecise ("near a stream north of Wappingers’ Creek"),
and he avoided specifically comparing de Laet’s location with the location
indicated by the map.
It is clear that the various maps and documents covering the
period 1614-52 do not support the idea of a fort having been built at
Esopus in 1614. Yet, although many writers have discussed the question, few have challenged the existence of such a fort. In some respects, the persistence of the 1614 fort story should perhaps not be
considered remarkable. It is, after all, attractive to think of Esopus as
antedating Plymouth, and the research necessary for a thorough evaluation of the claim was considerable. The time has now come, however, for the 1614 Esopus fort to be laid to rest.
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The Early History of Kingston & Ulster County, N.Y. Copyright © 1975 by Marc B. Fried
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