CHAPTER 3 The Trail Boat on the Seine
The evolution of navigation was almost as gradual as the evolution of
man. To deny the preliminary stages in
either case would be equally futile. From
the moment when primitive eyes witnessed
the voyage of a sun-warped leaf upon a
pool, the object-lessons of boating were
discernible. Soon the hollow log became
the prototype of the first canoe; later intelligence built larger craft, with skins of
slain beasts upheld to catch the propelling
winds; after centuries of progress, perfected sailing ships moved from continental shore to shore. A study of history
will reveal in the art of navigation, as in
every other science, the clearly formulated ideas of successive progress.
In the year 1807 it remained for Robert
Fulton to arrive, after years of study and
numberless tests, at the definite knowledge of proper proportions, and to build
the steamboat which successfully navigated and proved its utility upon the picturesque waters of the Hudson River.
This happy combination of undaunted
perseverance and achievement upon a scene
of unrivaled beauty, with a group of historic witnesses, and Fulton’s subsequent
developments in the art of steam navigation, combine to make the occasion worthy
of national honor at the close of a century.
It should be observed that the civilized
world awaited the invention. In several
countries inceptive attempts to solve the
problem were manifest, and these are permanently recorded in history. In America John Fitch, William Henry, James
Rumsey, and Edward West had experimented with varying degrees of success;
in Scotland, as early as 1781, Symington
and Bell had tried an experiment upon
the waters of the Forth and Clyde Canal,
and in the same year, in France, the
Abbé Arnal propounded his theories.
In 1795, as already stated, Earl Stanhope
of England experimented with a web-foot
paddle; in 1801, Hunter and Dickinson,
his countrymen, attempted a trip upon the
River Thames with a boat which proved
a failure. Robert R. Livingston, who
later was associated with Fulton as partner in the enterprise of the Clermont, had
tried his hand at the venture, as had also
Nicholas J. Roosevelt, who subsequently
(1809) was employed by Livingston and
Fulton to study the possibilities of navigation by steam upon the Mississippi and
other important Western rivers. To this
already long, though incomplete, list of
sometime claimants for the honorable title
of inventor may be added the names of
William Longstreet, Samuel Morey, and
John Stevens. Truly with Robert Fulton
the “psychological moment” of demonstration had arrived.
But earlier than any of these essays toward the new art should be noted an experimenter, John Mien, M.D., who in
1730 mentioned a method of propelling a
vessel by steam. He was a scientific Englishman whose fondness for experiment
led him to publish a paper entitled “Navigation in a Calm.” The advance of
the becalmed sailing ship could be effected, he averred, “by the propulsion of
water through an aperture in the stern of
the vessel by pumps actuated by the labor
of many men”; and he further suggested
that “a fire-engine [evidently Newcomen’s atmospheric steam-engine, patented
1705] with its furniture should be put on
board a 70-gun ship having on board a
‘Pneumatick engine’ above described, with
two 7 foot cylinders and their pistons,—
the force, being equivalent to the labor of
ninety or one hundred men, would drive a
ship of twelve or fourteen tons at the rate
of three knots an hour.”
These experiments are all links in an
interesting chain which successively led to
the perfecting of the first steamboat built
by Robert Fulton.
It is important to emphasize the fact
that Fulton himself was fully cognizant
of those earlier attempts; indeed, he would
have deprecated the inference that he had
not duly profited by the prior experiments
of other scientists. His generous mind
sought for comradeship in the solution of
the important problem. In his hitherto
unpublished “Notes for an Argument on
Steam Boats, Should Argument Become
Necessary” (in the possession of the estate
of his daughter, Cornelia Livingston
Crary), he distinctly states:
It is now about thirty years since experiments commenced in Europe and America, with a
view to move boats or vessels to advantage by
the power of steam engines. All of which failed
of any useful result. As a proof of this, there
were nowhere, either in Europe or America, any
kind of steamboat in actual operation when
Messrs. Livingston and Fulton commenced their
experiments upon the Seine near Paris in the
year 1802. And the repeated failure of men of
science, among whom were the ingenious Earl
of Stanhope, gave an impression to the public
mind both in Europe and America, that it was
impracticable to make a useful steamboat, and
under this belief those who attempted it were
considered as visionaries or mad men. In this
state of things Mr. Livingston, while in Paris
in 1802, persuaded Mr. Fulton to make the attempt, and he, fortunately for our country, has
succeeded. America therefore claims the honor
of this important invention which may justly
be considered an epoch in the useful arts, to
the incalculable advantage of these young and
rising states.
A legal form of agreement was drawn
by the two men, and signed at Paris, October 10, 1802. It runs as follows:
THE FULTON-LIVINGSTON PARTNERSHIP
Memorandum of an Agreement entered into
this tenth day of October in the Year One
Thousand Eight hundred and two, between
Robert R. Livingston Esq., of the State of
New York, and Robert Fulton of the State of
Pennsylvania.
Whereas the said Livingston and Fulton have
for several years past separately tried various
mechanical Combinations for the purpose of
propelling boats and vessels by the power of
Steam Engines, and conceiving that their experiments have demonstrated the possibility of
success, they hereby agree to make an attempt
to carry their invention into useful operation,
And for that purpose enter into partnership on
the following conditions:
First: That a passage boat moved by the
power of a Steam Engine shall be constructed
at New York, for the purpose of navigating
between New York and Albany, which boat
shall not exceed 120 feet in length, 8 feet in
width nor draw more than 15 inches water;
that such boat shall be calculated on the experiments already made, with the view to run 8
miles an hour in stagnate water and carry at
least 60 passengers allowing 200 pounds weight
to each passenger.
Second: That a patent shall be taken in the
United States of America in the name of said
Fulton for a new mechanical combination of
a boat to navigate by the power of a Steam
Engine for which Patent the said Fulton shall
deposit every necessary drawing, model, and
specification, and when such patent is obtained,
the property thereof shall be divided into One
hundred shares, fifty of which shares shall be
transferred to the said Livingston as his property, and fifty shares shall be held by the said
Fulton as his property, and all emoluments
arising from said Patent in America, or from
any extension of said Patent, or for any Patent
premium or privilege in any other Country
shall be equally divided, one half to the said
Livingston, and one half to the said Fulton.
Third: That for the purpose of proving the
utility of this invention by a fair experiment,
the said Fulton agrees to go immediately to
England, and there construct a boat and engine
as near the dimensions and powers of the Steam
Boat mentioned in Article the First as the
Engine he may find will admit, which boat being
for the purpose of experiment, it is presumed
that a steam engine may be borrowed for that
purpose; it is also estimated that if the experiment should not succeed, the loss on the different parts of the machinery together with the
expenses of the said Fulton will amount to
Five Hundred Pounds sterling, which sum the
said Livingston agrees to furnish at any time
or times which the said Fulton may think
proper to draw for the same. And the said
Fulton binds himself to pay to the said Livingston, one half of the expense which such
experiment may cost, within two years from the
abandoning said enterprise, with interest for
the same at seven per cent per annum. But
should the experiment succeed to the satisfaction of the here contracting parties, the first
object shall be to obtain a Patent in America
and establish a passage boat to run to and
from New York and Albany which work the
said Fulton agrees to superintend, during
which time his reasonable expenses. shall be estimated as part of the general expenses of the
establishment.
Fourth: And when such boat shall be in complete activity and the principle of navigating
by Steam fully established, each of the here contracting parties may dispose of any number of
their shares, not exceeding forty shares, that
they may think proper; but the purchasers of
shares, or share holders shall have no voice or
command in conducting the business of the concern; but the number of boats, offices and agents
shall be augmented or diminished as may be
thought proper by the said Livingston and
Fulton, nevertheless all augmentations and expenses shall he made out of the profits of the
undertaking and not by a demand for advances
on the part of shareholders, and the surplus
profits shall be divided twice a year in proportion to the shares, for which purpose the share
holders or their agents shall be at liberty to
examine the books during the first week of May
and the first week of October in each year:
Fifth: And Whereas the duration of a Patent
in the United States of America is for fourteen
years, this partnership is made for fourteen
years, or for any greater period to which the
privilege in any of the American States can be
extended, But at any period over fourteen
years at which the Patent expires in America,
the partnership shall cease also, And the whole
stock of boats, warehouses or other property
shall be considered the property of the share
holders, who as a Company of proprietors will
make such regulations as they think proper
to govern their affairs, each share being a voice
in such arrangement:
Sixth: And it is further agreed that in case
of the death of the said Livingston or Fulton
within fourteen years, or before the termination
of the period specified for the duration of the
partnership, each heir or assign who holds at
least twenty shares shall be considered as an
active partner, with full power to act in place
of the deceased, but as this arrangement may
introduce two partners, Should two partners
be introduced, the surviving primitive partner
shall be considered equal to two voices, whatever may be the number of shares which he at
such time may possess:
Seventh: And it is hereby agreed that the
said Livingston may withdraw from this enterprise at any period he thinks proper, after the
Five Hundred Pounds before mentioned shall
be expended in the first experiment, but until
he signifies to the said Fulton in writing, his
determination to decline any further pursuit of
the experiment he shall be considered as a partner in the undertaking. |
| (Signed) |
Robert R. Livingston Robert Fulton | (LS) (LS) |
| | Witnessed by | |
| (Signed) | Robert L. Livingston | |
|
The same terms were accepted in the
Letter written, in 1814, by the chancellor’s
heirs, wherein they affirm that “they will
always be ready and willing to comply
with the Articles of Agreement entered
into and executed by you [Robert Fulton] and the Honble. Robert R. Livingston.” The chancellor left no son, and the
paper is signed, “Robert L. Livingston
and Edward P. Livingston.”
A complete description of Fulton’s trial
boat on the Seine is contained in an interesting paper in present possession of the
Hon. Peter Barlow, of New York, who
inherited the family papers of his famous
kinsman, Joel Barlow, former minister to
France. The paper was prepared for Barlow’s signature by Fulton himself, in the
year 1811. When rival companies threatened to invade the patent rights of Fulton
and Livingston, Fulton writes to Barlow:
I want your deposition as follows:
Joel Barlow of the City of Washington, district of Columbia, being duly sworn on the Holy
Evangelists of Almighty God, deposeth and
saith: That in the year of our Lord, 1802,
Robert Fulton at that time residing in said
Barlow’s house in Paris, did commence experiments with a view to discover the principles on
which boats or vessels should be propelled
through the water by the power of Steam engines,—that having made various experiments
on a model about 4 feet long and 12 inches
wide, which was worked by two Strong clock
springs to ascertain the best mode of taking the
purchase, whether by paddles, skulls, endless
chains, or water wheels, he about Christmas
1802 gave the preference to a wheel on each
side of the model,—and in the spring of 1803,
in partnership with Robert R. Livingston, our
then resident minister in France, did build a
boat 70 French feet long, 8 French feet wide,
3 French feet deep, in which he placed a Steam
engine of about 8 horses power, which was
hired of Mr. Perrier for the experiment on this
large scale, with the engine in the boat and one
water wheel of about 12 feet diameter on each
side of the boat, the power from the engine
being communicated to the wheels by mechanical combinations which I do not recollect. In
July 1805 an experiment was made by the said
Robert Fulton on the River Seine between the
Pont Revolution and the Barrier de Chaleot
[sic] in presence of a great number of people,
and particularly Messrs. Volney, Carnot,
Bossu and Proney, who were members of the
National Institute appointed to examine the
machinery. The speed of said boat on Still
water was three miles and a quarter an hour,
and on this velocity and the power of the engine
I recollect that the said Robert Fulton, formed
tables of resistances, powers and proportions,
which he then showed me and which he said
should govern the construction of steamboats
designed to run from 2 to 5 ½ or 6 miles an
hour. I well recollect having mentioned to
him that previous to the experiment on the large
boat he had estimated a boat to be driven 16
or 24 miles an hour by the power of steam and
his answer was that by the experiments he
found so much power was lost in taking the
purchase on the water that he was of opinion
5 or 5 ½ to 6 miles an hour in still water was
as much as a boat could be propelled by any
steam engine now known. In April 1804, the
said Robert Fulton left my house for London:
while in England he purchased an engine of
Messrs. Boulton and Watt which was shipped
for New York while I was in London, and which
as he has informed me is in the first boat that he
built on Hudson’s River, and which as he says
drove the boat with the velocity which he had
previously calculated it had the power of
doing.
During my residence in Paris from the year
[date not given] to 1804, I never heard of any
other experiments on the Seine, to move boats
by steam except the one made by the said R.
Fulton. Previous to the year [ ] there
was a project by Mr. Rumsey & one by Fitch to
establish steamboats on the Seine, but they were
only projects which were never executed. A
Frenchman of the name of Le Blanc, as I have
been informed, made in 1808 some experiments
on the Rhoan to navigate boats by steam which
failed.
This document, in Fulton’s own penmanship, is particularly important because
it outlines his two experiments and gives
some details never before known—first,
that the engine for the experimental boat
on the Seine was hired from M. Perrier,
who in 1774 built a vessel, and made an
unsuccessful trial with steam-power on the
Seine. He was probably the same man to
whom Barlow refers in a letter, dated
1802, where he suggests that Fulton can
try “relative velocities in Perrier’s pond on
the hill.” In the same letter Barlow says:
If your mind is satisfied perhaps it is not
worth while, as Livingston seems to be satisfied
with this part of the business. . . . He talked
of forming a company etc. I wish that Parker
or I had the money instead of him, tho’ his influence in the State of News York would be
energetic.
Other important facts set down in Barlow’s deposition are Fulton’s doubt about
a possible attainment of speed, after his
first disappointment, and the exact dimensions of the trial boat on the Seine.
In 1802, Fulton viewed the patent of
M. Des Blanc, to which he refers in the
foregoing statement, and described his unsatisfactory impressions in his note-book,
hitherto unpublished and now in possession of the estate of Cornelia Livingston
Crary. He concluded, after he had inscribed a series of drawings and descriptive text, that two thirds of the steampower which the Frenchman sought to
apply to propulsion would be lost.
Fulton also dismissed the possibility of
Rumsey’s device, and all others which had
preceded his own. His biographer, Colden, writes that Rumsey had seen the failure of Fitch’s enterprise, but Fulton
“after a variety of calculations came to an
opinion that this [Rumsey’s] was the
worst of all the methods which had been
proposed.”
As early as 1793, in a letter to Earl
Stanhope, previously mentioned, Fulton
defined his project to invent a new process
of steam navigation. This highly important letter, never before published, is here
presented through the personal courtesy
of the present Earl of Stanhope, owner of
the Fulton-Stanhope correspondence; two
drawings are included, from Fulton’s
originals.
My Lord
I extremely regret not having received your
Lordship’s letter in time to have the pleasure
of an interview at Exeter as a Mechanical conversation with your Lordship would have been
infinitely interesting to a young man. To atone
for such loss and conform with your Lordship’s
wish I have made some slight drawings descriptive of my Ideas on the Subject of the steamship which I submit with diffidence to your
Lordship. In June ‘98 I begun the experiments
on the steam ship: my first design was to imitate the spring in the tail of a Salmon,—for
this purpose I supposed a large bow to be
wound up by the steam engine and the collected
force attached to the end of a paddle as in No.
1 to be let off which would urge the Vessel forward. This model I have had made of which
No. 1 is the exact representation and I found
it to spring forward in proportion to the
strength of the bow, About 20 yards, but by the
return of the paddle the continuity of the
motion would be stopped. I then endeavored
to give it a circular motion which I effected
by applying two paddles on an axis: then, the
boat moved by jerks. There was too great a
space between the strokes; I then applied three
paddles forming an equilateral triangle to which
I gave a circular motion by winding up the bow.
I then found it to move in a gradual and even
motion 100 yards with the same bow which before drove it but 20 yards.
No. 2 is the figure of my present model, on
which there are two equilateral triangles, one
on each side of the boat acting on the same
shaft which crosses the Boat or Ship and turns
with the triangles. This, my Lord, is the line
of experiment which led me to the triangular
paddles which at first sight will convey the Idea
of a wheel or perpendicular oars which are no
longer in the water than they are doing execution. I have found by repeated experiment
that three or six answer better than any other
number as they do not counteract each other.
By being hung a little above the water it allows
a short space from the delivery of one to the
entrance of the other, it likewise enters the
water more on a perpendicular as the dotted
lines will shew its situation when it enters and
when it is covered the circular dots exhibit its
passage through the water. Your Lordship
will please to observe in the small wheel with a
number of paddles A. B. C. and D. strike almost
flat in the water and rise in the same situation
whilst E. is the only one that pulls, the others
act against it which renders the purchase fruitless; while E. is urging the Ship forwards B. A.
is pressing her into the water and C. D. is pulling her out, but remove all the paddles except
E and she moves on in a direct line. The perpendicular triangular Paddles are supposed to
be placed in a cast Iron wheel which should
ever hang above the water, it will answer as
a fly and brace to the perpendicular oars. This
boat I have repeatedly let go and ever found
her to move in a steady direction in proportion
to the original purchase. With regard to the
formation of ships moved by steam I have been
of opinion that they should be long, narrow
and flat at bottom, with a broad keel as a flat
Vessel will not occupy so much space in the
water; it consequently has not so much resistance. A letter containing your Lordship’s
opinion of this mode of gaining a purchase on
the water and directed for me at the postoffice,
Exeter, will much oblige your Lordship’s most
obedient and
Very humble servant,
Robert Fulton
The Right Honorable
The Earl of Stanhope
The foregoing letter provides valuable
historical proof of Fulton’s early thought
upon the problem which, fourteen years
later, he carried to perfection, and of his
individual conception of the theory of
steam navigation; for he proposes an
original method, unlike those preliminary
experiments which he subsequently noted
as inadequate. It is therefore evident that
Fulton did not stumble by mere chance
upon his formula of success. Numerous
experiments preceded his ultimate discovery of proper proportions, which he tabulated in his “Tables of Resistance,” the
formula mentioned in Barlow’s deposition.
One manuscript in possession of the
Rev. Robert Fulton Crary, D.D., Fulton’s grandson, to whom it was presented
by his friend Philip Hamilton, Esq., son
of Alexander Hamilton, describes with
painstaking accuracy, in Fulton’s own
writing, no fewer than six experiments in
which Fulton tested his discovery with
varying degrees of success. The paper
is dated “Paris, the 19 Nevose, Anno
II. January the 9th, 1803 [sic],” and is
entitled “Experiments on the model of a
boat to be moved by a steam engine.”
A boat 3 feet long and 8 inches wide
served as model. It was propelled by two
strong clock springs, and Fulton made a
comparative table to denote gradations
in power, and the progressive distance
gained in each test. He concluded that
“large paddles would be unwieldy and inconvenient, hence for the large experiment it will be best to commence with
paddles which present about twice the surface of the boat’s bow reduced to flat resistance. . . The power of the steam
engine is 1500 pounds running two miles
an hour, or equal to 3000 lb. running 1
mile an hour. Thus the 3000 pounds
ought to draw her 12 miles an hour.”
It will be noted that at this point Fulton felt himself master of the situation,
and that, throughout all his maneuvers,
he contemplated the introduction of his
patent in his native land is indisputably
shown by many references. A sketch of a
steamboat with two side paddles was
made on June 5, 1802, while Fulton at
Plombières was experimenting with his
submarine contrivances for the French
government. It is entitled, “The Steamboat from New York to Albany in 12
hours,” and is in the estate of Fulton’s
daughter, Cornelia Livingston Crary. As
a preface to the detailed experiments which
follow, Fulton asserted:
Propelling a boat through water is the act
of separating two bodies—the boat from its
oars or paddles, or whatever else is applied—
and this is governed by laws reducible to simple
calculations.
A number of pictured tests demonstrate
his mode of application. Then he includes
a description of the trial trip at Plombières:
The model being arranged a small rivulet
was stopped so as to form a stagnant pond 66
feet long, 9 or 10 feet wide and from 3 to 2
feet deep at the upper end; thus prepared and
with a good watch which beat the seconds, the
experiments were commenced.
Five detailed demonstrations follow,
and Fulton says:
As there is much space in this boat I will
add to her velocity by making her go 12 miles
an hour instead of 8—the additional weight of
this engine will be about S tons making in total
21 tons, having 25 tons for passengers equal
to 280 at 200 lbs for each this boat would make
the voyage [from New York to Albany] in 14
hours instead of 20 as there would be 6 hours
saved in time it would merit a dollar extraordinary in the price. The expense of such a
boat in coals and men would not be 25 dollars a
day. Suppose then that the commerce between
New York and Albany can give to such a boat
150 passengers per day at 8 dollars each, the
amount would be 450 dollars. Hence it seems
advisable to go quick, carry cheap, and thus
avoid the competition of boats with sails or
carriages.
These hitherto unpublished words contain the first recorded prophecy of the
great Hudson River Day Line.
Fulton’s foresight extended farther
even in that day of unrealized possibilities.
His next record is a “Note on running 16
miles an hour.” This speed cannot be accomplished in small boats, he decides:
For great speed requires great power and a
large and heavy engine. But suppose a boat
I 2 feet wide and 200 feet long, drawing one
foot of water. She would displace 2000 cube
feet or 68 tons to drive such a boat 16 miles
an hour will require 9216 lbs purchase.
Suppose 200 (passengers) at 8 dollars each or
600 dollars—Such a boat would make the voyage in 10 or 12 hours. In which time the
Engine would not burn more than 3 tons of
coals worth perhaps 15 dollars, expense of men
perhaps 5 dollars, total 20. To go 16 miles
the chains must run 24 miles or 86 feet a second. The engine makes 3—the multiple then is
12 to one. Here it is worthy of observation
that as the boat and engine increases in size, the
expense in proportion to their passengers is
diminished in the first and small boat which
carries only 50 persons their expense is 10 dollars. This is twenty cents each and the time
20 hours.
Second boat—280 persons—the Voyage 14
hours—the expense 25 dollars—this is about
11 cents per person.
In the third boat which goes the Voyage in
12 hours and carries 880 persons, the expense,
say 30 dollars, or 8 cents per person. The
reason of this is the difference in the squares
of the boats. A boat 6 feet wide and 90 feet
long is only 14 tons whereas a boat 12 feet wide
only twice the resistance of the first, will carry
near 5 times the burden or 68 tons and instead
of 50 will carry 880 persons which is 7 times
the number and this enables one to add to the
power and velocity of the engine yet carry
cheaper than in the first case.
Robt Fulton
It should be observed that these prophecies antedated the experiment which
Fulton made, at a joint expense with
Livingston, on the Seine in 1803. Their
trial boat was seventy feet long, eight
feet wide, and of light draft. The hull
proved too weak to bear the weight of the
machinery, and the boat snapped in two
and deposited the engine in the river bed.
The enterprise, because of this strange
mishap, was viewed with public disfavor,
and probably influenced the adverse decision of Napoleon’s savants, who condemned its utility.
The preceding January, 1808, Fulton
had formally offered his steamboat to the
consideration of a Government commission, and the First Consul appointed three
members of the Institute to study its merits. Fulton’s original letter, in French, is
on file in the Conservatoire des Arts et
Métiers in Paris, together with his accompanying drawing.
The unfortunate accident which postponed the official trial trip from the
early spring of 1803 to midsummer,
brought to Fulton, according to his own
confession, a despondency which he never
felt on any other occasion of his life.
After a restless night, he was precipitately
visited by a messenger, who exclaimed:
“Oh, sir, the boat has broken in pieces
and gone to the bottom!”
This disturbing news was literally true.
Fulton rushed to the spot, and labored for
twenty-four consecutive hours, without
rest or refreshment, to raise the boat to
the surface. The machinery was comparatively uninjured, but the boat was so
wrecked that it had to be virtually rebuilt.
The imprudent exposure and the labors
incident to the struggle for the recovery of
the invention produced a permanent constitutional weakness of the lungs which
resulted in Fulton’s subsequent delicacy to
the close of his life. The vivid description
of the accident which Colden, Fulton’s
biographer, has given, is corroborated
by Dr. Edward Everett Hale in his
“Memories of a Hundred Years” through
an interview with Edward Church, an
American, who was with Fulton in
France, and an eye-witness of the event.
These records amply refute a rumor, current though Paris at the time, that Fulton himself had purposely sunk the boat
because chagrined and disappointed by the
continued inactivity and lack of appreciation of the Napoleonic commission.
The reconstruction of the boat occupied
several months, and not until July was it
again in readiness for the official demonstration. Joel Barlow and Robert Fulton
had a friend, Fulner Skipwith by name,
who, during the preceding year of 1802,
had written to Fulton asking the details of
patent laws in France. Fulton wrote his
reply from Paris, which is given in the
Appendix.
When the postponed trial trip was
about to take place, Fulton wrote again to
Mr. Skipwith, with whom his friendship
had increased. Mr. Skipwith had been
married in Paris, while Fulton was experimenting upon the French coast, and in
1802 his first child was born. Fulton’s
merry letter of invitation should be read
in the light of this recent happy experience to be fully understood:
Paris, the 5th Thermidor, Anno 11
(24 July, 1805)
Mr. Skipwith,
My dear friend, You have experienced all the
anxiety of a fond father, on a child’s coming
into the world. So have I. The little cherub,
now plump as a partridge, advances to the perfection of her nature and each day presents
some new charm. I wish mine may do the same.
Some weeks hence, when you will be sitting in
one corner of the room and Mrs. Skipwith in
the other, learning the little creature to walk,
the first unsteady step will scarcely balance the
tottering frame; but you will have the pleasing
perspective of seeing it grow to a steady walk
and then to dancing. I wish mine may do the
same. My boy, who is all bones and corners,
just like his daddy and whose birth has given
me much uneasiness, or rather, anxiety,—is just
learning to walk, and I hope in time he will be
an active runner. I therefore have the honour
to invite you and the ladies to see his first movements on Monday next from 6 till 9 in the evening between the Barrière des Bons Hommes
and the steam engine. May our children, my
friend, be an honour to their country and a
comfort to the gray hairs of their doting
parents. Yours
R. FULTON
The trial of the boat followed, and was
accounted a success, although the desired
speed was not attained.
A contemporaneous account published
in the “Recueil Polytechnique des Ponts
et Chaussées”: Paris, 1808, was reprinted
in “Cassier’s Magazine,” and may well
be accorded prominence, as the best account to be obtained:
On the 21st Thermidor [August] 1 a trial was made of
a new invention of which the complete and brilliant success should have important consequences for the commerce and internal navigation of France. During the past two or three
months there has been seen at the end of
quay Chaillot, a boat of curious appearance,
equipped with two large wheels, mounted on an
axle like a chariot, while behind these wheels
was a kind of large stove with a pipe, as if there
were some kind of a small fire engine (pompe a
feu) intended to operate the wheels of the boat.
Several weeks ago some evil-minded persons
threw this structure down. The builder, having repaired this damage, received, the day before yesterday, a most flattering reward for
his labour and talent.
At six o’clock in the evening, aided by only
three persons, he put his boat in motion with
two other boats attached behind it, and for an
hour and a half he produced the curious spectacle of a boat moved by wheels, like a chariot,
these wheels being provided with paddles or
flat plates, and being moved by a fire-engine.
In following it along the quay, the speed
against the current of the Seine appeared to us
about that of a rapid pedestrian, that is, about
2,400 toises’ an hour;
( toise was an old French measurement equal to 6.39 English feet)
while in going downstream it was more rapid. It ascended and descended four times from Les Bons-Hommes as
far as the pump of Chaillot; it was maneuvered
with facility, turning to the right and left, came
to anchor, started again, and passed by the
swimming school.
One of the boats took to the quay a number
of savants and representatives of the Institute,
among whom were Citizens Bossut, Carnot,
Prony, Perrier, Volney, etc. Doubtless they
will make a report which will give to this discovery all the éclat which it merits; for this
mechanism, applied to our rivers, the Seine,
the Loire, and the Rhone, will have most advantageous consequences upon our internal
navigation. The tows or barges which now require four months to come from Nantes to
Paris, would arrive promptly in ten to fifteen
days. The author of this brilliant invention is
R. Fulton, an American and a celebrated mechanic.
In this first success, Fulton was mindful
of the needs and opportunities for steam
navigation in America. To this end he
wrote, during the same month, August,
1803, to Boulton & Watt of England to
order a steam-engine for a boat to be
launched in America:
Paris, 6th August, 1808.
Gentlemen:
If there is not a law which prohibits the exportation of steam engines to the United States
of America, or if you can get a permit to export parts of an engine, will you be so good
as to make me a cylinder of 24 horse power
double effect, the piston making a four foot
stroke; also the piston and piston rod.
The valves and movements for opening and
shutting them.
The air pump piston and rod.
The condenser with its communications to
the cylinder and air-pump. . . . etc.
The other parts can be made in New York,
and as it will save the expense of transport,
and they require a particular arrangement
which must be done while I am present, I prefer
to have them done there. Therefore if it is
permitted to export the above parts you will
confer on me a great obligation by favoring
me with them, and placing me the next on your
list.
When finished please to pack them in such
a manner as not to receive injury, and send them
to the nearest port, which I suppose is Liverpool, to be shipped to New York to the address
of Brockhurst Livingston, Esq. The amount
of the expenses will be placed to your order
in the hands of George William Erving, American Consul, Nicholas Lane, Lombard Street,
No. 10, London. The situation for which this
engine is designed, and the machinery which is
to be combined with it, will not admit of placing
the condenser under the cylinder as usual, but
I hope the communicating tube to the condenser
will not render the condensation less perfect
or injure the making of the engine.
Should you find a difficulty in getting a permit
to export the parts above mentioned, I hope
to be able to obtain it through our Minister,
Mr. Monroe. And as there is some difficulty
in passing letters to and from Paris and Birmingham, which may lose much time, you will be
so good as to furnish me the above parts as
soon as possible without waiting to hear further from me.
Please to write as soon as possible under
cover to Mr. Erving as before mentioned. In
which I beg you to answer the following questions:
What must be the size of the boiler for such
an engine?
How much space for the water and how much
for the steam? What is the most improved
method of making the boiler and economic mode
of setting it? How many pounds of coal will
such an engine require per hour, and what is
the expense at Birmingham?
Can you inform me what is the difference in
heating with coals or wood, as in most cases
wood must be used in America; and must not
the furnace be made different when wood is to
be used?
What will be the consequences of condensing
with water salt, as in places where the engine
is to work the water is brackish?
What will be the interior and exterior diameter of the cylinder and its length, and what
will be the velocity of the piston per second?
This information will enable me to combine the
other parts of the machinery.
When can the engine be finished, and how
much will be the expense? Your favoring me
with the execution of this order, and answering
the above questions will much oblige
Your most obedient servant,
ROBERT FULTON.
Rue Vatsgirard, No. 50 Paris.
Can the position and arrangement of the
cylinder condenser and air-pump be adhered
to as in the drawing, without injuring the working of the engine?
This is the first authentic order of the
engine for the Clermont, but it was not
the last, for the opposition which Fulton
expected in gaining permission of transport was duly encountered. Boulton &
Watt declined the order on October 4,
1803, as they had been unable to obtain
permission to forward the engine to
America. The following month, Fulton’s
hope revived, and he wrote, as he had
planned, to the Honorable James Monroe,
who was at that time American minister
at the Court of St. James. The letter is
preserved at the Lenox Library, New
York.
Amsterdam, November 3rd, 1803.
His EXCELLENCY JAMES MONROE:
Sir: You have perhaps heard of the success of my experiment for navigating boats by
Steam Engines; and you will feel the importance of establishing such boats on the Mississippi and other rivers of the United States as
soon as possible. With this view I have written
to Messrs. Boulton & Watt of Birmingham, to
forward me a steam engine to America. They
answer that they cannot export the engine without the permission of Government. I therefore
beg of you to apply to Government for permission for you to ship a Steam Engine of a 249
horse power to New York. It will be well to
ask this permission for yourself without mentioning my name, as I have reason to believe
Government will not be much disposed to favour
any wish of mine. Messrs. Boulton has a
House of Agency [in] London Street in the
City, who will inform you what office to apply
to. And Mr. Huntingdon, a young gentleman
who left this [place] some days ago will call
on you, or may be heard of at Mr. Erving’s
[American Consul] will go to the offices with
your request and transact the business for me,
but perhaps your best and shortest mode will
be to apply direct to Lord Hawksbury. Your
desire to see useful arts introduced or created
in our country is the strongest reason for your
urging the permission and accepting no refusal;
—the fact is I cannot establish the Boat without the engine. The question is then,—shall
we or shall we not have such boats? Please to
write me under cover to Mr. Livingston as soon
as possible the result of your application.
ROBERT FULTON.
P. S. For greater safety I take the liberty to
inclose in your letter one for Boulton & Watt,
which you will be so good as to order into the
Post Office, and when you obtain the permission
send it directly to them. I should apologize
for this trouble, but that I have no hope of
success but through your goodness.
The letter to Boulton & Watt was inclosed, but bears no mark of post. Perhaps Mr. Monroe decided that America
did not want such boats, perhaps he hesitated to interfere in a matter where permission had already been refused to a
young enthusiast. The letter to the engine-builders (which is in the Lenox Library) briefly reiterated the former order.
There is a strange pathos in the inexplicable delays which postponed the important invention. Presumably Fulton
had no reply from Mr. Monroe, for he
wrote to him again, from Paris, November 17 [1803], renewing his request. He
says in part:
I wrote you on the 3rd inst from Amsterdam,
and two letters afterwards from Rotterdam on
a subject which a good conveyance gives me an
opportunity to repeat. Having succeeded in
my experiment for navigating boats by steam, I
wrote to Messrs Boulton, Watt & Company of
Birmingham to forward me a steam engine to
America. They write me in answer they cannot export the engine without the permission
of Government. etc.
No action followed, and Fulton, who
had returned to England in May, 1804,
made a personal attempt to gain the governmental permission of export. At the
same time he was busy urging his torpedo
project upon the British ministry; he
tarried in London and spent his days in
eager anticipation of the great decision.
Barlow and his wife were en route to
America after their long sojourn in
France, where Fulton had for seven years
shared their home. Fulton wrote for their
passport through London, and took this,
and every opportunity, to get the engine
for the first steamboat in America:’
London, Storl, Gate Coffee House,
the 30th of May, 1804.
Mr. Hammond will have the goodness to
obtain from Government permission that Mr
& Mrs Barlow may pass through London on
their way to America, to which they purpose
to sail in August, the object is to consult the
London physicians on Mr. Barlow’s health.
Whatever reasons Government might have to
be displeased with Mr. Barlow, I am convinced
that they will find no umbrage in his present
sentiments and tranquil disposition. His late
writings to prove the happy effects of British,
in preference to French, colonization by extending the arts, civilization and liberal ideas,
are worthy your admiration.
I also beg permission to ship one of Mr.
Watt’s Steam engines to New York for the purpose of carrying into effect an experiment in
which I have fortunately succeeded,—that of
navigating boats against currents of not more
than 4 miles an hour, hence calculated for most
of our rivers. Your Government must be sensible that every improvement which may tend to
augment the produce of industry in America,
creates the means of paying for British manufactures, increases the demand and adds to the
wealth of England. The time will come when
America alone will take more of your manufactures than you now diffuse over the whole globe,
and is to give you a perspective of immense
wealth, which it is your interest to nourish.
I hope Government will see nothing impudent
in these two requests. I shall esteem it a favor
if they are granted.
The letter to Mr. Erving, American
Consul, is also on record. It was indorsed
by Mr. Barlow, who aided Fulton at
every turn. In February of 1804 he
traveled to Birmingham to personally order the engine, and in January, 1805,
made a payment of £548, English money,
for it. But not until March was the actual permission granted, when Fulton
paid his treasury fee, £2, 14, 6, on receiving permission to ship the engine to
America.
There is no doubt that Fulton contemplated an early return to America, when
he left France in 1804, but he was detained by the negotiations with the British
Government which repeatedly buoyed him
to expect an acceptance of his torpedo
project. Four days after his arrival in
England he wrote to Thomas Jefferson,
then President of the United States, as
follows:
London, May the 23rd, 1804
His EXCELLENCY THOMAS JEFFERSON:
Sir: On arriving in England I find I shall be
detained some weeks longer than I first calculated. I therefore forward your letters committed to my care in Paris. I am, Sir, with
profound respect,
Your most obedient,
ROBERT FULTON.
Successive disappointments ensued.
Fulton, in touch with the English statesmen of the day, continued as a neutral
observer to study international conditions.
Determined to return to America as soon
as possible to establish his project of steam
navigation, he was equally determined, if
persuasion and demonstration would make
it possible, to interest and engage the
British navy in his torpedo proposition.
Letters to many contemporary men of
state show that the chief impulse of his
mind was to establish his plan for universal peace.
Finally, in 1806, the British ministry
rejected his project of the submarine torpedo. Fulton immediately set about to
arrange his affairs for the return to America. He wrote to Mr. Parker, a friend,
during September, 1806:
MY DEAR PARKER,
On the 29th I sail for New York. Some
time ago I begged of you to purchase any kind
of American funds with the 1927£ in your
hands, and to forward them to Gen’l Mason to
be transferred into my name. You will have
the goodness to do this as soon as possible, as
I and my friend [Barlow] will need all our
means to settle down comfortable. Believe me,
my dear friend, how sincerely I love and esteem
you and how much it would add to the pleasure
of our Athenian Garden in America, to have
you living on the margin of it.
Truly
R.F.
Fulton’s perplexities with the British
ministry, great as they proved, were not
the only affairs which engrossed his mind
and delayed his return to America. Evidence is given in a letter from Joel Barlow, who has been termed “an adopted
father” in devotion to Fulton, that Fulton
then contemplated marriage with an English widow of large fortune. The letter,
intimate and confidential, is a perfect example on Barlow’s part of loyal friendship and affectionate counsel. It has never
before been published, and extracts which
seem to be of public interest are here
given:
Washington 9, March 1806.
My very dear and excellent friend
I write you with a heavy heart. Your letter
of the 12th January came upon us like a shipwreck. We see in it at least the wreck of our
most brilliant projects of domestic happiness,
if not of public usefulness. . . . We can say
nothing to your proposal except that you ought
by all means to pursue your own ideas of your
own happiness, well weighed and well considered. On this last clause I must offer a word,
tho’ it may probably come too late to be of any
use, if indeed advice in such cases can in its
nature, be of use. My friendship is unlimited
and unabated, and I have no reason to doubt
of the variety of excellence you find in the person you describe. But her education, habits,
feelings, character and cast of mind are English and London. And what is perhaps more
unfortunate for you, she has a fortune. These
things render it extremely improbable that she
can be happy in this country. I should think
it equally impossible that you can be very
happy in that country. Your mind is American, your services are wanted here. Your
patriotism, your philanthropy, your ideas of
public improvement, your wishes to be a comfort to me and my wife in our declining years
(if we should unluckily have many of them)
would tend to make you uneasy at such a distance from the theatre of so much good.
Oh, my estimable friend, my younger self, my
expansion and prolongation of existence! You
cannot conceive the pain it gives me to communicate these ideas. I was contemplating the
pleasure I should have, among the other things,
in getting forward and finishing the fine Scientific Poem of the Canal, of which you were to
write the Geological and I the historical and
mythological notes,—of which you were to furnish the philosophy and I the poetry,—you the
ideas, and I the versification,—all of which we
could only do together. Is the mighty fabric
vanished? It seems forever gone. You have
a more substantial happiness in view, at least,
you think so, and who shall say the contrary.
I cannot in friendship and conscience, advise
you to give it up.
As to fortune; I would rather take you with
only what you now have, than with the largest
in the world. Great expenses are great vexations. My taste is so decided for simplicity
and moderation, that it would spoil me, whatever it did you, to be the slave of a splendid
income. I hope the Fox Administration [then
in consideration of Fulton’s Torpedo Project]
will settle with you liberally and let you off.
And in your case, I would not demand a great
sum, neither would I have it by way of annuity.
But this affair must depend on your taste, and
is perhaps an improper subject of advice.
My heart is so full of these subjects that I
cannot write upon any other by this occasion
which is probably by the April packet from
New York.
Adieu, my excellent friend.
[JOEL BARLOW.]
It is not known how far the attachment
had progressed. We only know that Fulton, unmarried, returned to America six
months later and immediately engaged in
great activity toward the development of
his two inventions.
In September, 1806, Fulton had written to Mr. Barlow, who was then enjoying the delights of his new country-place
“Kalorama,” near Washington, to which
Fulton had previously alluded as “the
Athenian Garden in America”:
My arbitration [with the British ministry]
is finished, and I have been allowed the £10,000
which I had received, with £5000 salary, total
£15,000, though £1600 which I have received
on settling accounts will just square all old
debts and expenses in London and leave me
about £200. My situation now is, my hands
are free to burn, sink, and destroy whom I
please, and I shall now seriously set about giving liberty to the seas by publishing my system
of attack. I have, or will have, when Mr;
Parker sends my two thousand pounds, 500
sterling a year, with a steam sterling a year, with a steam engine and pictures worth two thousand pounds. Therefore
I am not in a state to be pitied. I am now busy
winding up everything and will leave London
about the 23rd inst. for Falmouth, from whence
I shall sail in the packet the first week in October, and be with you, I hope, in November, perhaps about the 14th, my birthday, so you must
have a roast goose ready. Do not write me
again after receiving this. The packet, being
well manned and provided, will be more commodious and safe for an autumn passage, and I
think that there will be little or no risk, yet
accidents may happen, and that the produce of
my studies and experience may not be lost to
my country, I have made out a complete set of
drawings and descriptions of my whole system
of submarine attack, and another set of drawings with description of the steamboat. These,
with my will, I shall put in a tin cylinder,
sealed, and leave them in the care of General
Lyman, not to be opened unless I am lost.
Should such an event happen, I have left you
the means to publish these works, with engravings, in a handsome manner, and to which you
will add your own ideas—showing how the
liberty of the seas may be gained by such
means, and, with such liberty, the immense advantages to America and civilization: you will
also show the necessity of perfecting and establishing the steamboat and canals on the inclined
plane principle. I have sent you three hundred
complete sets of prints for the “Columbiad”
by the Orb, directed to Mr. Tolman, New York,
value £80. As the transport by land to Philadelphia will not be much, I have sent them by
this opportunity, that they may arrive before
the law for prohibiting such things is in force,
and that the shipment and risk may not approach too near to winter. All my pictures,
prints, and other things I mean to leave here,
to be shipped in spring vessels, about April
next, when the risk will be inconsiderable. How
shall we manage this winter, as you must be in
Philadelphia for the printing, and I want to be
at New York to build my boat? I am in excellent health, never better, and good spirits.
You know I cannot exist without a project or
projects, and I have two or three of the first
order of sublimity. As all your prints are
soldered up I do not see how I can leave the
number you desire with Phillips, [the London
publisher] but as I leave the plates with Mr.
West the necessary number can be struck off
when the sheets arrive. We will talk of this
in America. Mr. West has been retouching my
pictures: they are charming.
Fulton, upon his arrival in America,
speedily joined Barlow in Kalorama, this
delightful retreat which was termed the
“Holland House of America”; Charles
Burr Todd, Barlow’s biographer, states
that “Fulton lent his genius to the task of
embellishing the house and grounds, there
being in one of his letters of the period a
drawing for a summer-house which he intends ‘for the grounds of our mansion,’
as he called it. It is said that Fulton constructed a model of the Clermont at Kalorama and tested its powers on the waters
of Rock Creek. Be that as it may, we
know that he contrived to gain inspiration
from the bonds of closest affection with
Barlow, who was a man of rare liberality
of mind.
Fulton’s characteristic optimism was
again speedily illustrated. With a sublime
disregard for the fact that his torpedo
project had been dismissed by two important governments, France and England,
be immediately offered to America his
plan for this destructive machine, designed
to provide a weapon sufficiently strong, in
the hands of a righteous nation, to maintain universal peace.
His offer was favorably considered by
President Jefferson, and in the presence
of Naval experts, Fulton publicly demonstrated its power by blowing up a brig in
the harbor of New York, July 20, 1807,
less than a month before the successful
voyage of the Clermont. Subsequently
(1814) Fulton was authorized by Congress to build the first steam war vessel of
the world, the Demologus, also known as
Fulton the First.
Truly could Robert Fulton say that he
had “two or three projects of the first
order of sublimity.” His area of usefulness was as wide as the world; his theory
of peace included all nations; and with
true American spirit he illustrated,—by
his advocacy and improvement of Canal
Navigation, and by his inventions of the
Submarine Torpedo and the Steamboat,— his great original motto, “The Liberty of
the Seas will be the Happiness of the
Earth.”
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